Profiles In Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy: on Principles & Values


Caroline Kennedy: Awards "Profiles in Courage" for acting on principle

In Profiles in Courage , my father told the stories of eight senators who acted on principle and in the national interest, even though it put their own political careers at risk. Each of these men displayed a rare form of courage, sacrificing their own future, and that of their families, to do what they believed was right for our country. Their example comes down to us across the years, their stories are part of our history, and their spirit lives on.

The John F. Kennedy Profiles in Courage Award is presented annually to an elected official who carries on this tradition. When we created the award in 1990, some doubted we would be able to find politicians worthy of the honor. They were wrong.

The courage celebrated here comes in many forms. It is the courage to compromise, as well as the courage to stand alone, the courage to cross party lines and build consensus, as well as the courage to stay the course.

Source: Profiles In Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy Apr 30, 2003

Gerald Ford: Pardoned Nixon under almost universally condemnation

In "Profiles in Courage", my father told the stories of eight senators who acted on principle and in the national interest, even though it put their own political careers at risk. The John F. Kennedy Profiles in Courage Award is presented annually to an elected official who carries on this tradition. We sought to honor politicians like those in the original book, whose singular acts of courage in protecting the national interest put their own career at risk.When President Gerald R. Ford pardoned former President Richard Nixon, barely one month after taking office at the height of the Watergate scandal, he was almost universally condemned. Yet that act of conscience in the national interest, though it may have cost Ford the presidency, has stood the test of time.
Source: Profiles In Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy Apr 30, 2003

John F. Kennedy: Profile in Courage award to honor those with courage

Our family has honored my family's commitment to public service by celebrating that commitment in others. In 1989, we established the Profile in Courage Award, presented annually to an elected official who stands fast for the ideals upon which this country was founded, often at great personal risk. These men and women, Republican and Democrat, serving at the local, state, and national level, are the heirs to the eight legendary senators chronicled in this book. Our collective definition of courage has expanded since "Profiles in Courage" was written--today we honor those with the courage to compromise as well as those who stay the course.
Source: Profiles In Courage, Intro by Caroline Kennedy, p. xii Mar 18, 2003

David Beasley: Removed GA Confederate flag knowing it might cost election

The Profile in Courage Award winners of 2003, former Governors Roy Barnes (GA) & David Beasley (SC), are recognized for their principled efforts to diminish the divisive symbolism of the Confederate emblem. One is a Democrat, the other a Republican. Both men knew that taking on the flag issue would be politically disastrous. Both knew that they were risking the careers, but they did is because they believed it was right.

Although this debate is often framed in terms of the Civil War, the Confederate battle flag began flying over Southern state capitols only during the Civil Rights era. A symbol of white resistance to integration, it was added to the Georgia flag in 1956 following the Supreme Court's decision outlawing segregation in Brown v. Board o Education, while South Carolina unfurled the flag in 1962 as desegregation efforts intensified across the South. As the modern South has become more diverse and prosperous, the flag has come to be perceived as a retrograde and inflammatory symbol by many

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.355-356 Oct 1, 2001

David Beasley: 1994: Promised to keep Confederate flag; 1998: Removed it

Conservative Christian David Beasley staked his political future on the flag issue. In the 1994 campaign, Beasley promised to keep the Confederate battle flag flying above the State House dome. However, in 1996, a series of church burnings & the racially motivated shooting of three black teenagers prompted a change of heart.

Framing the issue in biblical terms, Beasley addressed SC's citizens on statewide television, asking them to help pressure lawmakers to remove the Confederate flag: "I'm asking that we come together as a people, to honor and understand each other, to forge a ministry of reconciliation that extends to every citizen. The Bible tells us to love our neighbor as ourselves. It is time for the races to compromise on the Confederate flag, to show Judeo-Christian love that will bring the races together."

In January 1997, 500 clergymen marched in support of the Governor's initiative. But, the negative reaction was immediate and extreme. Democrat Jim Hodges beat Beasley in 1998.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.358-359 Oct 1, 2001

Gerald Ford: Told 8 days prior to resignation that Nixon would resign

Nixon's chief of staff, Gen. Alexander Haig, had come to Ford's office twice, eight days before Nixon resigned. In the second key meeting, when no one else was present, Haig informed him that a smoking gun tape had been discovered that implicated Nixon directly in the illegal Watergate cover-up. Nixon had decided to resign.

Haig in effect added, Was Ford prepared to assume the presidency within a very short time? Ford was stunned. Haig, according to Ford's testimony, then laid out six options- half of which included a pardon for Nixon. But Ford insisted there was no pre-arrangement with Nixon or Haig.

The newspaper accounts noted that Ford's disclosure about meeting with Haig was new, but no one made much of it. In the meeting, Haig had dropped one of the bombshells of all times--that Ford was about to become president. Why had so much time been spent in the discussion on options dealing with Nixon's future and not the momentous transition problems and issues facing Ford?

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.297&305-306 Oct 1, 2001

Gerald Ford: Cites Supreme Court decision: accepting pardon imputes guilt

[When Ford was interviewed in his 80's, he was asked]: Why didn't you make sure that Nixon's statement accepting the pardon went further? Nixon's statement said, "No words can describe the depth of my regret and pain at the anguish my mistakes over Watergate had caused."

Why didn't he press Nixon harder for an admission of guilt? "I still carry it around in my packet, their statement," Ford said. He reached into his pockets. "I've got it in my wallet here because any time anybody challenges me I pull it out." He searched around in his wallet.

He handed me a folded, dog-eared piece of paper. It was a portion of the 1915 Burdick Supreme Court decision that he'd been carrying around for years. I began to read aloud. "Most important, the justices found that a pardon 'carries an imputation of guilt, acceptance, a confession of it,'"

Ford landed on the last phrase, & he repeated it: "'Acceptance, a confession of it.'" See, Nixon confessed, he said. "That was always very reassuring to me.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.308-309 Oct 1, 2001

Gerald Ford: Preserved White House tapes, despite requests from Nixon

[Nixon's White House tapes would] provide more incontrovertible, conclusive proof of guilt than any possible indictment or trial of Nixon. Significantly, it was Ford who decided that the Nixon tapes had to be preserved. After resigning, Nixon wanted all his papers and tapes shipped to his home in California. Traditionally, a former president owned all his papers. Before issuing the pardon, Ford sought advice from a longtime friend and former Justice Department lawyer, Benton Becker, who immediately saw the trap for Ford. Returning all the tapes and papers to Nixon would make Ford a co-conspirator in concealing the truth of what had gone on in the Nixon White House.

To history, the tapes and Nixon records are more important than any possible prosecution or conviction. Ford's decision to pardon Nixon and to preserve the tapes and records for the public and for history reflect what might be called acts of instinctive courage. The last 27 years have proved their wisdom.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.310-311 Oct 1, 2001

Gerald Ford: 1976: I tried to restore shattered confidence in democracy

On May 23, 2001, Ford gave a speech as part of the Senate Leader's Lecture Series. He referred to the 1976 presidential campaign:

"Because the specter of Vietnam, on the one hand, and Watergate, on the other, loomed so large, I found myself, in effect, running two campaigns: the first to win a full term. And the second to restore the shattered confidence of the American people in their democratic institutions. I was unsuccessful, as we all know, in the first. But as I left Washington, I could take some consolation in knowing that the national mood was different from what it had been just a few years earlier."

Ford's ambition for the country was larger than his own ambition. Restored confidence was more important than his reelection. That's courage.
Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.314-315 Oct 1, 2001

Gerald Ford: 1974: Pardoned Nixon to "end our long national nightmare"

On 9/8/74, he went on television to announce the pardon to the country and the world. Dealing with Nixon and his family, ford said, "Theirs is an American tragedy in which we have all played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it. I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can I must." As president he had the power to grant a full and unconditional pardon for crimes that might have been committed. The main reason for the pardon was to put both Nixon and Watergate in the past, to put a second, more definitive end to "our long national nightmare." Just before reciting the official pardon proclamation, Ford read a sentence that he had added in his own hand: "I feel that Richard Nixon and his loved ones have suffered enough."
Source: Profiles in Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy, p.295 Oct 1, 2001

Hilda Solis: 1994: First Latina elected to California Senate

Solis had served in the Assembly for two years when, in 1994, [the incumbent] vacated his State Senate seat, which included Solis's home district. She decided to try to carry her concerns to the larger stage of the California Senate--a step that would necessitate her building a broader coalition on the issues that were important to her.

Solis's coalition brought her to office in 1994. She was the first Latina senator in the history of the state; she was also, at 37, the youngest senator in Sacrament

Source: Profiles in Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy, p.285 Oct 1, 2001

Jim Hodges: 1994: Won election when Beasley reneged on Confederate flag

Conservative Christian David Beasley staked his political future on the flag issue. In the 1994 campaign, Beasley promised to keep the Confederate battle flag flying above the State House dome. However, in 1996, a series of church burnings & the racially motivated shooting of three black teenagers prompted a change of heart.

Framing the issue in biblical terms, Beasley addressed SC's citizens on statewide television, asking them to help pressure lawmakers to remove the Confederate flag: "I'm asking that we come together as a people, to honor and understand each other, to forge a ministry of reconciliation that extends to every citizen. The Bible tells us to love our neighbor as ourselves. It is time for the races to compromise on the Confederate flag, to show Judeo-Christian love that will bring the races together."

In January 1997, 500 clergymen marched in support of the Governor's initiative. But, the negative reaction was immediate and extreme. Democrat Jim Hodges beat Beasley in 1998.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.358-359 Oct 1, 2001

John McCain: Reputation of volcanic temper shared even within GOP

McCain is wound tightly and has a volcanic temper. When his presidential campaign momentarily took off in 2000, Senate Republican Leader Trent Lott, among others, privately told associates he wasn't temperamentally suited "to have his finger on the [nuclear] trigger." There was a not-so-subtle and ugly suggestion that McCain had been psychologically decimated by the POW experience. (More than any other candidate he revealed his entire medical history, which lent no credence to that charge.)

Over lunch a year after South Carolina, John McCain still bridles at the tone of his Republican colleagues. "Lott said some of the most malicious things I've ever heard," he declares.

Source: Profiles in Courage For Our Time, by Caroline Kennedy, p.255 Oct 1, 2001

Richard Nixon: Offered deal to Ford on resignation, but Ford declined

Nixon's chief of staff, Gen. Haig, informed Ford that Nixon had decided to resign. Ford was stunned. Haig, according to Ford's testimony, then laid out six options--half of which included a pardon for Nixon. But Ford insisted there was no pre-arrangement with Nixon or Haig. "There was no deal, period, under no circumstances," Ford testified.

Why had so much time been spent in the discussion on options dealing with Nixon's future and not the momentous transition problems facing Ford? Ford recalled later, "When Al Haig comes with those six terms, I just didn't visualize him as one making a proposition to make a deal. It never went through my mind." Ford stated, "I did not agree to consummate [Haig's deal]. Yes, on paper, it was a deal, but it never became a deal because I never accepted."

And so there it was. He had finally acknowledged, on the record, that he had been offered a deal. It was something many had suspected all along, but it had been a long, roundabout road to finally getting there.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.297&305-306 Oct 1, 2001

Richard Nixon: Words can't describe my regret at my mistakes over Watergate

In his 80's, Ford brought up his pardon decision, noting that no president had "caught as much hell as I did." His recollections were clear. I suspected he had replayed them many times in his mind. "I was overwhelmed with the public reaction," he said. " guess I anticipated a lot but not to the extend that happened. But at no time, despite that public outcry, did I in any way ever feel I'd made the wrong decision. It didn't faze me one bit. If anything, it made me feel more stubborn that I was right."

Why didn't you make sure that Nixon's statement accepting the pardon went further? Nixon's statement said, "No words can describe the depth of my regret and pain at the anguish my mistakes over Watergate had caused."

Why didn't he press Nixon harder for an admission of guilt? A forthright acknowledgement by Nixon could have ended the historical debate on that question. [Ford cited the] 1915 Burdick Supreme Court decision: "a pardon 'carries an imputation of guilt, acceptance, a confession of it.'"

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.308-309 Oct 1, 2001

Richard Nixon: Sought possession of White House tapes after resignation

At the time of the pardon, [one argument] was that in halting the judicial process Ford had stopped the flow of information about Nixon's actions. The absence of a trial would leave a void, no clear resolution, allowing Nixon to wage war with history. But the tapes have provided more incontrovertible, conclusive proof of guilt than any possible indictment or trial of Nixon.

Significantly, it was Ford who decided that the Nixon tapes had to be preserved. After resigning, Nixon wanted all his papers and tapes shipped to his home in California. Traditionally, a former president owned all his papers. But returning all the tapes and papers to Nixon would make Ford a co-conspirator in concealing the truth of what had gone on in the Nixon White House. A complicated arrangement [resulted], in which Nixon and the government had joint custody of the tapes for 10 years. Congress and the courts eventually saw that the tapes were preserved. A plan for gradual public release is still being carried out today.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.310-311 Oct 1, 2001

Roy Barnes: Removed SC Confederate flag knowing it might cost election

The Profile in Courage Award winners of 2003, former Governors Roy Barnes (GA) & David Beasley (SC), are recognized for their principled efforts to diminish the divisive symbolism of the Confederate emblem. One is a Democrat, the other a Republican. Both men knew that taking on the flag issue would be politically disastrous. Both knew that they were risking the careers, but they did is because they believed it was right.

Although this debate is often framed in terms of the Civil War, the Confederate battle flag began flying over Southern state capitols only during the Civil Rights era. A symbol of white resistance to integration, it was added to the Georgia flag in 1956 following the Supreme Court's decision outlawing segregation in Brown v. Board o Education, while South Carolina unfurled the flag in 1962 as desegregation efforts intensified across the South. As the modern South has become more diverse and prosperous, the flag has come to be perceived as a retrograde and inflammatory symbol by many

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.355-356 Oct 1, 2001

Roy Barnes: Confederate flag was barrier to GA's future prosperity

In Jan. 2001, Gov. Roy Barnes introduced a new flag. The Confederate symbol was reduced in size and incorporated into a new design featuring other emblems of the State's history. Barnes knew that a similar effort in 1993 had nearly doomed the reelection of his predecessor. Nevertheless, he believed it was morally right, and he feared the consequences of inaction. Barnes saw the Confederate flag as a barrier to Georgia's future prosperity.

The new flag was adopted. Barnes' opponent, Sonny Perdue, made the flag a central issue. There is little doubt that the flag was the crucial issue in Barnes' defeat, According to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Barnes' support in Atlanta & other metropolitan areas increased or remained steady, but his support among rural white voters dropped 25 points. Even the "flaggers" weren't satisfied with Barnes' defeat, but continued to heckle him up until his last day in office, shouting epithets as he left the Governor's mansion for the drive to his new home.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.356-358 Oct 1, 2001

Sonny Perdue: 2001: Won election on central issue of Confederate flag

In Jan. 2001, Gov. Barnes introduced a new flag. The Confederate symbol was reduced in size and incorporated into a new design featuring other emblems of the State's history. Barnes saw the Confederate flag as a barrier to Georgia's future prosperity.

The new flag was adopted. Barnes' opponent, State Legislator Sonny Perdue, made the flag a central issue. Confederate flag supporters began disrupting every Barnes campaign appearance. On Election Day, Sonny Perdue became Georgia's first Republican Governor since 1871.

There is little doubt that the flag was the crucial issue in Barnes' defeat, According to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Barnes' support in Atlanta and other metropolitan areas increased or remained steady, but his support among rural white voters dropped 25 points. Even the "flaggers" weren't satisfied with Barnes' defeat, but continued to heckle him up until his last day in office, shouting epithets as he left the Governor's mansion for the drive to his new home.

Source: Profiles in Courage by Caroline Kennedy, p.356-358 Oct 1, 2001

  • The above quotations are from Profiles In Courage For Our Time,
    by Caroline Kennedy.
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