Richard Nixon in In The Arena

On Principles & Values: Understand your weaknesses to be strong during adversity

In 1960, I had suffered a shattering defeat in the Presidential campaign. Two years later, I suffered another defeat that was even more shattering because the election was for lesser office, governor of California. After the results came in, I had told the press off. And not surprisingly, the press proceeded to tell me off. Not even my closest friends thought I had a political future. I agreed. I thought I was finished as a practicing politician. I learned a great deal in those years in the wilderness between 1963 and 1968. Three lessons stood out:

Defeat is never fatal unless you give up.
When you go through defeat, you are able to put your weaknesses in perspective and to develop an immune system to deal with them in the future.
You never know how strong you are when things go smoothly. You tap strength you didn't know you had when you have to cope with adversity.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 23-26 Nov 7, 1968

On Foreign Policy: New world order of 5 major power centers

In a speech in made in Kansas City in 1971, I said that I foresaw the emergence in coming decades of a new world order in which the interaction of five major power centers--the US, Western Europe, Japan, the Soviet Union, and China--became the principal axis of history. As I traveled abroad since leaving office, I have found that this continues to be a useful conceptual framework through which to view the world. In 1971, I spoke to "power centers" defined in terms of potential economic power; today, I would broaden the concept to mean global political clout. While economic power represents a key ingredient of such power, military forces, ideological appeal, domestic political cohesion, skill in statecraft, and commonality of interests with other major powers also must be factored into the equation. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 51 Dec 31, 1971

On Foreign Policy: Security interest in China overrides ideology

In view of such irreconcilable differences, what brought us together? One China expert in the US predicted that the first question Mao would put to me would be: "What is the richest country in the world prepared to do to help the most populous country in the world?" He was wrong. Not once during many hours of discussion did economic issues come up. Our common economic interests are the primary factors that keep us together today. They played no part whatever in bringing us together in 1972.

The real reason was our common strategic interest in opposing the Soviet dominance of Asia. Like the Soviet Union, China was a Communist country. The US was a capitalist nation. But we did not threaten them, while the Soviet Union did. It was a classic case of a nation's security interest overriding ideology.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 6 Feb 21, 1972

On Foreign Policy: Shanghai Communique established "One China" policy

The Shanghai Communique was issued at the conclusion of the visit. Instead of trying to paper over differences with mushy, meaningless, diplomatic gobbledygook, each side expressed its position on the issues where we disagreed. On the neuralgic issue of Taiwan, we stated the obvious fact that the Chinese on the mainland and on Taiwan agreed that there was one China. We expressed our position that the differences between the two should be settled peacefully. And on the great issue which made this historic rapprochement possible, the communique stated that neither nation "should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region and each opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony." This document has stood the test of time. The principles it set forth are still adhered to by both sides. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 7 Feb 21, 1972

On Principles & Values: Those that hate you don't win unless you hate them

[I remarked upon resigning], "Always give your best. Never get discouraged, never be petty. Always remember, others may hate you, but those that hate you don't win unless you hate them, and then you destroy yourself."

The critics panned my remarks, not surprisingly, as being too emotional. They overlooked the fact that it was an emotional moment. Finally, it was all over. We said goodbye to the Fords and went home to California, where we thought, mistakenly, we would at long last find peace and quiet.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 10-12 Aug 9, 1974

On Principles & Values: Only from deepest valley can you know the highest mountain

Al Haig came in holding a single page in hand. It was a one-sentence letter to Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State: "I hereby resign the Office of President of the United States."

After Haig left, I had only an hour left to get my thoughts together for my farewell to the staff.

I knew that the decision I had made was best for the country. Two years of Watergate was enough. The nation could not stand the trauma of a President on trial before the Senate for months.

We think sometimes when things don't go the right way, when we suffer a defeat, that all has ended. Not true. It is only a beginning, always. Greatness comes not when things always go good for you, but the greatness comes when you are really tested, when you take some knocks, some disappointments, when sadness comes. Because only if you have been in the deepest valley can you ever know how magnificent it is to be on the highest mountain.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 9-11 Aug 9, 1974

On Principles & Values: Resignation from NY Bar not accepted, so they could disbar

The following day [after my resignation], the blows began to fall again. Far from being satisfied by the resignation, their appetites for finishing the injured victim were whetted.

I resigned from the Supreme Court, California, and NY bars. The Supreme Court and California accepted my resignation. The NY Bar Association refused to do so and instituted disbarment proceedings.

Scores of lawsuits were filed against individuals who were seeking damages for assorted government actions. Few involved Presidential decisions. Most were dismissed, but all had to be defended. The cost for attorneys' fees was staggering. In the 15 years since I resigned the Presidency, I have spent over $1.8 million in attorneys' fees.

The pounding in the newspapers and on television continued unrelentingly. I was the favorite butt of jokes on the talk shows. Hundreds of columns attacked me. A number of Anti-Nixon books were published. Those by critics I understood. Those by friends I found a bit hard to take.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 13-14 Aug 10, 1974

On Principles & Values: I was wrong: accepted Ford's pardon on Watergate

On September 4, I was informed of President Ford's decision to stop the hemorrhaging by issuing a Presidential pardon. Now I had to decide whether or not to accept it. Next to the resignation, accepting the pardon was the most painful decision of my political career. The statement I issued at the time accurately describes my feelings then and now:

"I was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy. No words can describe the depths of my regret and pain at the anguish my mistakes over Watergate have caused the nation and the Presidency--a nation I so deeply love and an institution I so greatly respect."

The pardon was granted on September 8. The predictable occurred. Ford went down in the polls, and I was subjected to a whole new round of attacks in the media.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 15-16 Sep 8, 1974

On Principles & Values: Focus on goals outside of yourself

Those first years after resigning the presidency were profoundly difficult and painful. As I look back over those years in the wilderness, I would say that I was sustained by always bearing in mind 3 principles:

Put the past behind you. Analyze & understand the reasons for your defeat, but do not become obsessed with what was lost. Think instead about what is left to do.
Don't let your critics get to you. Remember that they win only if they divert you into fighting them rather than driving toward your goals.
Devote your time to a goal larger than yourself. Avoid the temptation of living simply for pleasure or striving only to leave a larger estate.

While few people will experience a loss as devastating as resigning from the Presidency, these principles remain valid for the defeats we all suffer, whether in business, in sports, or in personal life. The key is to live for something more important than your life. As Einstein said, "Only a life lived for others is worth living. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 42-43 Jan 9, 1978

On War & Peace: Cambodia: Only regret was not invading sooner

One of them asked whether I had any regrets for ordering the "invasion" of Cambodia in 1970. I answered that my only regret was that I had not done it sooner. I am sure that most did not agree with the answer, but the unexpected sharpness of the rejoinder brought a burst of applause. I added that to accuse the US of "invading" North Vietnamese-occupied areas of Cambodia in 1970 would be like accusing the Allies of "invading" German-occupied France in 1944. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 47 Nov 30, 1978

On Welfare & Poverty: Margaret Thatcher repealed British Socialism

Margaret Thatcher deserves the major share of credit for Britain's economic recovery. It is easy to forget how far the country had traveled down the socialist road--and how much damage this had caused to the British economy--before she came into office. Nationalized industries, socialized housing and medicine, burdensome government regulations, immensely powerful trade unions, irresponsible monetary policies, and enormous welfare state had brought economic progress to a virtual standstill. Layer by layer, she removed the obstacles to economic growth, despite strong opposition even within her own party. While President Reagan rightly receives great credit for slowing down the growth of government in the US, we should recognize that Margaret Thatcher's repeal of socialism in Britain represented a true revolution. We can only hope the Europe of 1992 will be modeled on Thatcher's Britain rather than on some of the bloated welfare states on the continent. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 54 Nov 30, 1978

On Foreign Policy: Work with Japan to shape international order in the Pacific

While Japan has begun to take on a wider global role, its ultimate shape remains undetermined. Although Japan's and America's interests would be best served by a collaborative relationship, the prevalence of Japan-bashing in the US and America-bashing in Japan casts a dark cloud on the future of our relationship. With the rise of a new generation of Japanese leaders--many of whom have no personal memories of the US postwar reconstruction of Japan--the danger exists that our trans-Pacific ties will fray or even snap. We therefore need to elevate our relations from the constant arbitration of individual trade disputes--many of which though politically potent are economically petty--to the higher plane of shaping the international order in the Pacific, of taking on jointly challenges such as solving the debt crises in Mexico and other Latin American countries, and of helping ease Japan's entrance onto the world stage by linking our approaches to global economic and political issues. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 58-59 Nov 30, 1978

On Free Trade: Competition with Japan but no economic warfare

Spirited economic competition between the US and Japan is one thing. But it must not be permitted to degenerate into economic warfare. Enhancing the shared responsibility of the US and Japan to cooperate in protecting and extending peace, freedom, and prosperity in Asia and the developing world will go a long way toward reducing the nationalist recriminations that politicians in both the US and Japan hurl across the Pacific from time to time. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 59 Nov 30, 1978

On Abortion: No litmus test on abortion or on any pet issue

In 1980, the Republican nominee for Senate in Colorado, Mary Estill Buchanan, lost in a very close election. I was surprised when a Republican friend told me that he had not voted for her. I asked why. He replied, "She was wrong on abortion." As a result, we got 6 more years of Gary Hart, who was wrong on everything. I can understand people feeling strongly about special issues such as abortion, gun control, and ERA. But they should always step back and consider the alternative. Sometimes it is necessary to make a painful decision to support a candidate who may be wrong on your pet issue but right on most others. I have always believed that sticking to principles is not only the best statesmanship but also the best politics. However, this is a far cry from the approach of some politicians who are unable to see the difference between principle and prejudice. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.336 Nov 9, 1980

On Foreign Policy: US is not a declining power

In academic circles, it has been fashionable to argue that in the late 20th century the US has become a declining power. That view is profoundly mistaken. We do have difficult problems. But we must keep in mind that the US economy ranks #1 in terms of overall productivity, that access to the US market remains indispensable to our allies and friends, that the dollar continues to be the central currency of the international system, and that our people have kept our country in the forefront of technological and scientific innovation.

In geopolitical terms, the US continues to be the world's only military, economic, political, and ideological superpower. Moscow has military might. Western Europe and Japan have economic clout. China, because of its size, enjoys political influence. But the US alone is a major player in all dimensions of world power. It is a distinction that implies a profound responsibility for shaping the course of world events.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 76 Jul 2, 1990

On Education: School prayer is ok, but not as an Amendment

I believe children should be allowed to have a moment of silence in schools. But I do not believe an amendment allowing school prayer belongs in the Constitution. America has become a great nation in large part because we are conceived and nurtured in strong religious faith. But the real test of faith is whether it is strong enough to tolerate other faiths.

While the majority should not impose its religious views on the minority, the minority should respect the views of the majority. Reverse bigotry by the minority is just as reprehensible as bigotry by the majority. For instance, to oppose the display of Christian religious symbols in public places at Christmas time in the name of separation of church and state is both petty and silly. Christmas is not just another excuse for retailers to rake in profits. It is the celebration of Christ's birthday. Public displays commemorating the birth of Jesus are appropriate.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 99-100 Jul 2, 1990

On Education: Religious instruction in schools ok, like Marxism

Another equally acrimonious debate has raged from time to time over whether religious training belongs in public schools. My view is that it does--especially since our schools already teach students about the pseudo-religion of Marxism-Leninism. I do not share the views of some well-intentioned anti-Communists that students should not be exposed to courses on Marxism. While Marxists are atheists, Marxism is a religion. Students in a free society should be encouraged to learn about their own religious heritage without being prohibited from doing so because of the doctrine of separation of church and state. It is ludicrous to teach young people about the atheistic philosophy adhered to by our major adversaries in the world and yet be denied the opportunity to learn more about the spiritual precepts on which our own nation was founded. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.100 Jul 2, 1990

On Education: Before the 60s, schools helped students become productive

In the 60s, schools became a social and cultural wasteland. Before the 60s, the job of education was to help students become productive members of society. But during the 60s, the very idea of "having jobs and families" was judged to be hopelessly banal, even corrupt. It became the job of education to mold students into culturally and politically correct citizens of some ideal world that existed only in the brain of the ideologue or theoretician. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.108-109 Jul 2, 1990

On Education: Educational standards over political correctness

What should students learn instead of the politically correct education of the 60s? My views may not be the conventional wisdom, but because I feel so fortunate to have had a good education, I want to share them with others. Each student should leave 12th grade reading English at a 12th grade level or better. He should know algebra, geometry, and pre-calculus and the fundamentals of biology, chemistry, and physics. Our students' persistent weakness in these subjects is our educational system's greatest failure. A student should know the rudiments of a foreign language, be able to recognize at least a few of the great works of Western music, and understand the tenets of Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and the world's other great religion, Marxism-Leninism. He should have spent some time playing a competitive sport. He should know the history of his country, and something about the history of the world. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.110-111 Jul 2, 1990

On Education: Replace union politics with parental choice

Teachers will earn more respect if they begin to focus more on teaching and less on theory and politics. Teacher unions pass resolutions against funding for the contras, investigate the political and cultural content of books & TV programming, and lobby tirelessly for higher salaries & benefits. As was the case even back when I attended Whittier College 55 years ago, the excruciatingly boring courses offered to education majors still emphasize HOW to teach rather than WHAT to teach. Many teachers still worry more about their students' feelings and cultural awareness than whether they can read, write, add, or think.

Teachers have to get back to the basics--a tougher curriculum, more time in the classroom for each student, and raises for teachers based on performance as well as seniority. Without these and other measures, such as parental choice, our young people will fall so far behind that we will run the risk of entering the next century as a nation of semi-literates in a world of PhDs.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.112-113 Jul 2, 1990

On Families & Children: Don't make life too easy for children

My father's life-long ambition was that his 5 sons would have what he was unable to get: a college education. He never went into the dreary routine that we had life so much better than he had it, since he had to quit school when he was 11 to go to work full time to help the family make ends meet. He did not know it, but he gave us something we could never learn in college--the knowledge that life is not easy and that the time to develop the strength to meet its challenges is during your younger years, I do not mean to suggest that it is good to make life hard for your children. But if you make it too easy, their inevitable realization as adults that life is a continuing struggle may find them unprepared for it. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.114-115 Jul 2, 1990

On Corporations: Greed is not good, but wealth is, if used for good purpose

Undeniably, the salaries and bonuses some overrated CEO's receive are obscene. This is a function not so much of greed but of starry-eyed boards of directors who think their publicity-conscious management superstars can walk on water. But if a $1 million executive has just one $2 million idea a year, he has more than earned his keep. A profitable corporation, earning big dividends for its shareholders, adding jobs each year, paying taxes, is an essential institution of a modern democracy.

When people are out of work, corporate executives earning 7 figures a year make easy targets. But in better times, they make decisions that put people back to work.

Greed is not good. But wealth is, if it is used to good purpose. While capitalism may be driven by greed, it produces wealth, and democratic institutions help a society decide how its wealth should be used. Communism punishes greed by seizing wealth, and then totalitarian institutions are needed to manage the grinding poverty that is produced instead.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.124 Jul 2, 1990

On Principles & Values: Watergate was wrong; I should have set moral tone

Watergate, at the core of the scandal, was the fact that individuals associated with my reelection campaign were caught breaking into and installing telephone wiretaps at the headquarters of the DNC in the Watergate Hotel. After their arrest, others in my campaign and in my administration attempted to cover up this connection in order to minimize the political damage. I failed to take matters firmly into my own hands and discover the facts and to fire any and all people involved or implicated in the break-in. I was also accused of taking part in the cover-up by trying to obstruct the FBI's criminal investigation.

What happened in Watergate--the facts, not the myths--was wrong. In retrospect, while I was not involved in the decision to conduct the break-in, I should have set a higher standard for the conduct of the people who participated in my campaign and administration. I should have established a moral tone that would have made such actions unthinkable. I did not.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 30&39 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: The myths of Watergate brought me down, not the facts

[The facts of Watergate] would probably not have been enough to bring down my administration. Accusations represented the myths of Watergate, the smoke screen of false charges that ultimately undercut my administration's ability to govern effectively.

The most politically damaging myth was that I personally ordered the payment of money to the original Watergate defendants to keep them silent.
The most serious myth--and one that ultimately forced me to resign--was that, on my specific orders, the CIA obstructed the FBI from pursuing its criminal investigation of the Watergate break-in.
The most preposterous myth was that I or members of the White House staff erased 18-1/2 minutes of incriminating conversation from one of the White House tapes.

What happened in Watergate--the facts, not the myths--was wrong. Apart from its illegality, Watergate was a tragedy of errors. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 31-34 Apr 1, 1991

On Tax Reform: I did not order illegal IRS audits; but I did order audits

The most one-sided myth was that I used government agencies illegally by asking Secretary of the Treasury George Shultz to order IRS audits of a political adversary, Larry O'Brien. I have no regrets for that action. In the 1960s, when the Democrats controlled the White House, I was routinely subject to politically instigated IRS audits. Moreover, the IRS bureaucracy--long dominated by Democratic appointees and civil servants--was engaged in wide-ranging field audits of many of my close personal and political friends, including Billy Graham. I was simply trying to level the playing field, and everything I did was totally legal. In any case, I see nothing wrong with getting wealthy people to pay their taxes. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 32 Apr 1, 1991

On Technology: I did not illegally wiretap; but I did order wiretaps

The most widely believed myth was that I ordered massive illegal wiretapping and surveillance. Among the more bizarre accusations were that the White House:

Wiretapped the telephones of Democratic Presidential candidates
Conspired to wiretap McGovern's telephones to gather information for my reelection campaign
Wiretapped the telephones of friends of Mary Jo Kopechne, who had drowned in Sen. Kennedy's car at Chappaquiddick
Orchestrated undercover political activities conducted by so-called FBI suicide squads against opponents
Operated a secret police force to conduct illegal wiretaps and burglaries against left-wing radicals.

All of these charges were false, and no evidence was presented to substantiate them. None was ever retracted. My administration did have a carefully limited and totally legal policy of conducting wiretapping for reasons of national security. I do not at all regret having that policy. We were going to war in Vietnam. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 32-33 Apr 1, 1991

On Foreign Policy: I did not "sell" ambassadorships; but I did appoint donors

The most hypocritical myth was that the Nixon administration "sold" ambassadorships to major political contributors. It has been a standard, and continuing, practice to appoint a handful of principal contributors to choice embassies. Given the financial requirements of the social circuit in Paris and London, only a wealthy person could afford to serve as ambassador. That is one of the reasons why FDR appointed Joseph Kennedy ambassador to Britain. In the Nixon administration, some qualified contributors received such appointments, though others did not. In fact, while campaign laws in 1972 placed no restrictions on the size of individual donations, we consciously limited, or even refused, money from wealthy supporters whom we wanted to appoint as ambassadors simply to avoid the appearance of impropriety. Walter Annenberg, who made no campaign contribution, was chosen for London, and no one who donated over a million dollars was ever appointed to any ambassadorship. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 33 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: I did not deliberately lie at Watergate press conferences

The most personally disturbing myth was that I deliberately lied throughout the Watergate period in my press conferences and in my speeches. While I did some stupid things during the Watergate period, I was not that stupid. Given the multiple investigations of the scandal, both by the government and the media, I knew the facts ultimately would come out. It would therefore have been suicidal to lie. The problem was that as the events were unfolding I was never able to get the whole truth. I would hear one set of facts from one staff member and another set of facts from others. I made no statements that I did not think were true at the time I made them.

As far as the June 23 conversation [the "smoking gun"] was concerned, it was an error of recollection, not a deliberate falsehood. I recalled on July 12 [giving the] go ahead with an investigation. My fatal mistake was that I simply did not recall the details of the earlier conversation on June 23.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 33 Apr 1, 1991

On Homeland Security: Kennedy wiretapped more people than my administration

I was particularly outraged by the double standard my adversaries used in accusing me of conducting a massive wiretapping campaign. In fact, it was during the tenure of Attorney General Robert Kennedy that the greatest number of wiretaps without warrants were ordered. In addition, those taps were not restricted to cases involving leaks of national security information. In one case, the Kennedy administration placed a wiretap on the telephone of a newspaper reporter who was writing a book on Marilyn Monroe. In another case, it wiretapped the telephones and bugged the rooms of the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. Yet, during the Watergate period, my administrator's justifiable legal national security wiretaps were treated as unprecedented transgressions of the law. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 35 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: No one in the Nixon administration profited from Watergate

What, then, was Watergate? When the break-in first hit the news, my press secretary, Ron Ziegler, aptly called it a third-rate robbery. To compare Watergate with Teapot Dome, the Truman 5-percenter scandals, and the Grant whiskey scandals misses the point totally. No one in the Nixon administration profited from Watergate. No one ripped off the government, as was the case in previous scandals. Wrongdoing took place but not for personal gain. All administrations have sought to protect themselves from the political fallout of scandals. I detailed my mistakes in this respect at length in my memoirs, 1/3 of which dwelled on Watergate. In retrospect, I would say that Watergate was one part wrongdoing, one part blundering, and one part political vendetta. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 38-39 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: Watergate was a crime as well as a political blunder

Apart from its illegality, Watergate, was a tragedy of errors. Whoever ordered the break-in evidently knew little about politics. If the purpose was to gather political intelligence, the DNC was a pathetic target. Strategy and tactics are set by the candidate and his staff, not the party bureaucracy. Moreover, in view of the 30% lead I had in the polls, it made no sense to take such a risk because the likely Democratic nominee, Senator George McGovern, stood virtually no chance of winning. I also contributed to the errors. As a student of history, I should have known that leaders who do big things well must be on guard against stumbling on the little things. To paraphrase Talleyrand, Watergate was worse than a crime--it was a blunder. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 39 Apr 1, 1991

On Foreign Policy: Expect coordinated European foreign policy after 1992

Western Europe has come a long way since 1945. Britain and France are no longer rivals, and France and Germany are no longer enemies. Our allies have made great strides in unifying their economies and have taken the first halting steps toward political unity.

Since leaving office, I have been impressed by the gradual psychological and spiritual recovery of the peoples of West Europe and by the caliber of many of their top leaders. I did not expect that Western Europe would so quickly adopt and move forward with the plan for economic unification starting in 1992. I now expect that in the decade ahead we will see movement toward coordinated European foreign policies that might enable the fragmented giant of Europe finally to begin to emerge as a powerful geopolitical player.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 51-52 Apr 1, 1991

On Free Trade: 1985: Reduce Japan's non-tariff barriers

As Japan became the dominant regional economic power and global economic superpower, its leaders became more confident and more assertive.

Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone exemplified this trend. When I met with him in 1985, we discussed the need to reverse the trend toward protectionism in the US and to reduce the non-tariff barriers discriminating against foreign goods in Japan. Unlike most previous Japanese prime ministers, Nakasone was looking beyond bilateral issues to Japan's role on the world stage. He conceded that Japan needed to spend more on defense, though he stressed this would have to be done in ways that would not alarm neighboring countries.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 57 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Sleeping giant to awakened giant

In four visits to the People's Republic of China from 1976 to 1985, I saw the country evolve from one of the world's most reactionary, doctrinaire Communist nations into one of its most progressive in terms of breaking free from the dead hand of Marxist ideology. 160 years ago, Napoleon had called China the "sleeping giant." Today, China has become an awakened giant. It has left behind forever its policy of self-imposed isolation of the 1960s and will for the foreseeable future represent a major geopolitical power center in world affairs. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 59 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Gorbachev is romancing China, says Japan P.M.

While Moscow and Beijing normalized their relations in 1989, I do not believe the West need fear a restoration of the ideology-based Sino-Soviet bloc of the 1950s.

Moscow has very little to offer China. As Lee Kwan Yew told me, "The greatest Chinese need is economic progress, and in that respect the Soviet Union offers a very poor 2nd choice compared to the West." Gorbachev cannot offer foreign investment, advanced technology, and expertise, let alone a viable economic model. The choice between East and West is simply no contest. But that does not close the question. As Prime Minister Nakasone observed to me, "Gorbachev is romancing China, but he will succeed only if the Chinese give up on the West. The United States, Japan, and Europe must give the Chinese an economic stake in good relations with the West."

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 59-60 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Economic reforms and relative poverty

What was particularly disturbing was the stark contrast between the poverty of the Chinese on the Communist mainland and the high living standards of Chinese living and working in capitalist Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 60 Apr 1, 1991

On Foreign Policy: Tiananmen repression did not wipe away progressive reforms

Many have wrongly concluded that a night of brutal repression in Tiananmen Square wiped away a decade of progressive reforms in China. Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms and opening to the West have irreversibly changed his country. Reactionary hard-line leaders cannot fully turn back the clock. When China's leaders have looked at the rest of the world, they have been astonished and shamed by the backwardness of their country. What was particularly disturbing was the stark contrast between the poverty of the Chinese on the Communist mainland and the high living standards of Chinese living and working in capitalist Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong. When the Chinese people watched televised reports on Deng's visit to the US in 1979, the backdrops of modern cities and technological wonders fundamentally altered their world view. While this alone could not change anything overnight, it did condition them against wanting to turn back to their old ways and stimulated a genuine revolution in their thinking. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 60 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Tiananmen: wiser course to accommodate demands

In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre, some observers called for the US to punish China's leaders by breaking off all relations, by imposing wide-ranging sanctions, and by isolating the Chinese until their repressive policies were reversed. No one would dispute that the use of lethal force to suppress the demonstrators was shockingly cruel and incredibly stupid. The wiser course clearly would have been to accommodate the legitimate demands of the students, as many top Chinese leaders urged, or at least to clear Tiananmen Square with non-lethal riot-control methods. But to destroy the US-Chinese relationship would be a tragic error that would serve neither our interests nor those of the Chinese people.

My 6th visit to China in Oct. 1989 was potentially the most sensitive and controversial since my first trip 17 years before. But I believed that doing what I could to restore momentum to one of the most important relationships in the world was more than worth the risk to my own image.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 63-64 Apr 1, 1991

On Foreign Policy: Tiananmen massacre inexcusable, but continue China relations

In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre, some observers called for the US to punish China's leaders by breaking off all relations. But to destroy the US-Chinese relationship would be a tragic error that would serve neither our interests nor those of the Chinese people.

My 6th visit to China in October 1989 was potentially the most sensitive and controversial since my first trip 17 years before. My purposes in these meetings were threefold: to show the leaders that even China's friends in the US were outraged at the events of June 2-4 and that China would have to take steps to address our concerns; to draw the leaders back into a discussion of geopolitics after months of preoccupation with their domestic problems; and to establish a dialogue about the future of Sino-American relations.

My message was clear: While what they had done in June was tragic and inexcusable, it was in the interests of both the US and China for our relationship to continue in spite of it.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 63-67 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Tiananmen massacre inexcusable, but continue China relations

In Oct. 1989.my close friends predicted that my critics would hammer me unmercifully for appearing to try to salvage the China initiative by tipping glasses with those who had ordered the Tiananmen crackdown less than 5 months before. I agreed with them. But I believed that doing what I could to restore momentum to one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world was more than worth the risk to my own image.

My purposes in these meetings were threefold: to show the leaders that even China's friends in the US were outraged at the events of June 2-4 and that China would have to take steps to address our concerns; to draw the leaders back into a discussion of geopolitics after months of preoccupation with their domestic problems; and to establish a dialogue about the future of Sino-American relations.

My message was clear: While what they had done in June was tragic and inexcusable, it was in the interests of both the US and China for our relationship to continue in spite of it.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 64-66 Apr 1, 1991

On Homeland Security: Gorbachev believed SDI arms race would bankrupt the USSR

Our most spirited discussion with Gorbachev involved the Strategic Defense Initiative. He said it was a myth that the Soviet Union opposed SDI because it feared the huge cost to the economy or because it could not keep up technologically. He was emphatic in declaring that the Soviet Union would be able to evade and overcome any SDI system that the US might eventually deploy.

His major objection to SDI, he insisted, stemmed not from economic or military concerns but his belief that if SDI went forward, there would be a massive spiral in the arms race that would inevitably lead to increased tensions between the Soviet Union and the US and destroy any chance for a new, less confrontational relationship. He made these points vigorously and persuasively, but there is no doubt whatever in my mind that his major concern was and remains that the huge cost of competing with the US in developing SDI would bankrupt the already strapped Soviet economy.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 72 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: Intensely religious, but also intensely private about faith

Before the 1960 campaign, Pres. Eisenhower suggested that it would be very effective if I were to refer to God more in my speeches. After all, he pointed out America is a Christian nation.

It should have been easy for me to follow his advice. No one could have had a more intensely religious upbringing. My mother was a devout Quaker. My father was a devout Methodist. After they married, they compromised, and he became a Quaker, too. We regularly went to church on Sunday. We never had a meal without grace. Usually it was silent. On a few special occasions my mother or father might say a prayer. I read the Bible regularly and still do. I still believe that God is the creator, the first cause of all that exists.

With this background, why has it been so difficult for me to follow Eisenhower's advice? Because mine is a different kind of religious faith, intensely personal & intensely private. My mother prayed regularly but always privately. I followed her example.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 95-96 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: Ministers should change people, not change government

I was the target of considerable criticism when I initiated the custom of Sunday worship services in the White House. [But] I have strong feelings about mixing religion and government.

I treasure the friendship and wise counsel Billy Graham has extended to me over the years. In 1960, 1968 and 1972 I advised him not to endorse me. I also urged him not to join the Moral Majority, because I believe a minister cannot carry out his major mission in life as effectively if he dabbles in politics.

A minister's mission is to change the lives of men and women, not change governments. The great need to the US and throughout the world is not just to change governments but to change the people who run and who live under those governments.

Government cannot reach into people's hearts and change them for the better. Only religion can. As I told Billy Graham, he would weaken his ability to change people if he moved over the line and engaged in activities designed to change government.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p. 97-98 Apr 1, 1991

On Principles & Values: United States is not just one nation among equals

At a time when it is so fashionable to talk about the terrible mess man has made of the world, why do so many intellectuals assume that man alone, without the guidance of God, is capable of fixing it? The miracle of America is that it is "one nation under God." Without God as part of the equation, what makes us special? Many of our opinion leaders are satisfied to think of the US as just "one nation" among 160 moral, if not necessarily military or economic, equals. I am not. Perhaps I am being old-fashioned, but I still want America to be something more.

If the choice is godless capitalism, which rewards greed, or godless communism, which insists on rigorous egalitarianism, we are in deep trouble. In the end, it all comes down to whether the individual believes in something greater than himself.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.101-102 Apr 1, 1991

On Drugs: Don't let elite casual drug users off the hook

Temperance is defined as drinking in moderation or total abstinence. Many would favor expanding the definition to include drug use, with the implication that using drugs in moderation is acceptable. Despite the misery and death drugs have brought to our homes, neighborhoods, and schools, some still favor this permissive approach. They urge the government to go ahead and bomb the Colombian drug plantations and clean out the ghetto crack houses, so long as the weekend cocaine and marijuana user is left in peace to unwind in whatever manner he pleases. This approach was proved wrong 20 years ago. It would compound the tragedy to let the elite casual user off the hook again. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.150 Apr 1, 1991

On Drugs: Ensure that no one who wants treatment is excluded

A tough policy can also be a compassionate one. When I visited Daytop Village drug rehabilitation center in Swan Lake, New York, in 1988, I met scores of young people who had fallen into the drug trap. With guidance from Monsignor O'Brien and his dedicated colleagues, they were now on the road to productive, drug-free lives. Daytop offers 24-hour-a-day supervision, stiff punishments for patients who stray, and regular follow up testing after they go home. Because many such programs rely solely on private donations, only a fraction of those who need them can get in. No matter what else President Bush does, he should make it a national goal to ensure that no one who really wants to beat drugs is ever excluded from treatment. Any American who saw the hopeful faces of the young people at Daytop Village would gladly open his heart and his checkbook if it meant saving even one more child from oblivion. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.153 Apr 1, 1991

On Health Care: Federal assistance for catastrophic healthcare

While I oppose compulsory national health insurance, I have always supported federal assistance for catastrophic health care. My strong feelings in this respect are a direct result of losing two brothers to TB.

Because of the miracles of modern medicine, both my brothers would have recovered today. But the experience made an indelible impression on me. From the time I went to Congress in 1947, I was determined to support any proposal to help other families meet such extraordinary expenses without breaking the family budget.

In 1971, some observers were surprised when I included in my State of the Union message a request for the Congress to appropriate $100 million to launch a war on cancer. Why cancer? Why not some other worthwhile program? Again, the reason can be found in my background.

When Pat was 13 years old, her mother Kate Ryan died of cancer. I shall never forget the ordeal my mother's sister, Aunt Beth went through when she contracted breast cancer.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.192 Apr 1, 1991

On Abortion: Constitutional amendment prohibiting abortion is non-starter

The House's decline is not irreversible. The most-talked-about proposed amendments to the Constitution--prohibiting abortion, establishing the line-item veto, setting one 6-year term for Presidents--all are non-starters. But there is one change that all those interested in better government should support. The terms of members of the House should be extended to 4 years, with 1/2 being elected in the Presidential years and the other 1/2 in the off-year. This would mean that for at least 2 years of his 4 year term, a congressman could be a congressman rather than a perpetual candidate spending 75% of his time raising campaign funds and campaigning for reelection. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.232 Apr 1, 1991

On Homeland Security: Congress' War Powers Act is clearly unconstitutional

The President's power was wisely limited by the Founders of the Constitution. Congress decides what money can be spent, and the courts decide what is legal. The President's power has been further limited by Congress in ways the Founders would not have approved. One of the more unfortunate fallouts from the Vietnam War was the War Powers Act, which was passed over my veto in 1973. Along with most Presidents who have succeeded me, I believe it is clearly unconstitutional and contrary to the intent of the Founders, but until the Supreme Court decided that it is, it will severely limit a President's power to act in a timely fashion in a crisis, assuming the Congress ever musters the courage to insist on strict compliance with its terms. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.237 Apr 1, 1991

On Government Reform: Term-limiting president, to 6 years or 8, is a bad idea

As the day approaches when a President can no longer do something to or for someone, his power will begin to erode. That is one reason why 2nd terms of Presidents are not as productive as 1st terms. That is why limiting a President to one 6-year term, a reform that is a current favorite with political scientists, is not a good idea.

As a congressman in 1947, I voted for the 22nd Amendment limiting Presidents to 2 terms. Pres. Eisenhower, who under no circumstances would have sought a 3rd term, thought the amendment was a mistake. Since leaving office, President Reagan, who probably could have been reelected to a 3rd term, has campaigned for its repeal. I was wrong, and they were right.

The problems facing the country at home and abroad are so great today that we cannot afford weak congressional government. We need strong Presidential leadership. Arbitrarily limiting the President's tenure, either by imposing a 6-year term or retaining the 22nd Amendment, reduces the President's power enormously.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.240-241 Apr 1, 1991

On Welfare & Poverty: Welfare too high is dependency trap; too low is hardship

Capitalism's dilemma is the tension between economic security and liberty. Some believe the goal of government should be to provide total economic security for everyone. The critical question is how much security government should guarantee. Socialist countries promise total security and thereby undermine incentives for production. Instead of creating equality of wealth, socialist governments create equality in poverty. In the West, the non-socialist welfare state is committed to the proposition that the poor or unemployed will not become destitute. The difficulty comes in setting the level of support to the less fortunate. If set too low, it causes unnecessary hardship. If set too high, it creates disincentives to achieving self-sufficiency and fosters dependency. Our objective should therefore be a welfare system structured not to trap the poor in dependency but to enable them to escape poverty. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.354 Apr 1, 1991

On Foreign Policy: Western aid premature until Soviets overhaul economy

I disagree with [assisting the Soviet reform effort]. Gorbachev's reforms will rise and fall according to his ability to institute a market-based system. From the outside, there is little we could do to advance such an outcome. For the Soviet Union to receive Western assistance, we should insist on 6 conditions.

Moscow must establish a free-market economy
Eastern European countries must complete their transition to full independence
NATO and the Warsaw Pact must establish parity in conventional arms
the US and the Soviet Union must conclude a verifiable START agreement ensuring stable nuclear deterrence
Gorbachev must cease his aggressive policies in the Third World.
the Soviet Union must adopt a political order that respects human rights and reflects the wishes of people expressed in free elections.

Until Gorbachev meets these tests, Western assistance would be premature. It would be futile to provide aid before the Soviets overhaul their economy. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.376 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Poland elections vs China

In Poland, the economic sanctions we imposed after the imposition of martial law in 1981 were an important fact in ultimately forcing the Communist regime to implement reforms, including the partially free elections that propelled Solidarity into power. In China the case is different. Contact with the West represents a principal impetus for reform. There would have been no Tiananmen Square demonstrations if it had not been for China's opening to the West in 1972. Isolating China with sanctions will close off a major stimulus for the economic reforms that have already improved the lives of the Chinese people and for long-term political change that will lessen the repressiveness of the regime's rule. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.385 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Post-Tiananmen differences less than 1972

There is no way we can resolve our differences on the tragic events of Tiananmen Square. But it would compound the tragedy if we allowed them to damage permanently a relationship that has been so beneficial to the Chinese people, the American people, and the cause of peace and progress in Asia. We must keep these events in perspective. Great as our differences are over what happened on June 4, 1989, our differences were infinitely greater when we established relations with the PRC in 1972 after 23 years of no communication. We disagreed with the Chinese on Vietnam, on Korea, on Japan, on Taiwan, and on philosophy. China was still in the final throes of the Cultural Revolution, during which millions had died in an ideological crackdown far more brutal than what happened last year. But we recognized then that while we had irreconcilable differences, we had one overriding common interest which brought us together--the need to develop a common policy to deter an aggressive and expansionist Soviet Union. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.385-386 Apr 1, 1991

On China Book: Strategic relationship US-China

[In 1972] we recognized then that while we had irreconcilable differences, we had one overriding common interest which brought us together--the need to develop a common policy to deter an aggressive and expansionist Soviet Union which threatened us both.

Even if we assume that the Cold War is over and that the Soviet Union no longer represents a major threat to either of us--a conclusion, incidentally, that every Chinese leader I met rejects--we still have a strategic interest in restoring a good relationship with the PRC. China is a nuclear power. Without Chinese cooperation, we cannot have an effective policy of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and will have no leverage at all in trying to prevent the sale of missiles and other weapons to countries in trouble spots like the Middle East.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.386 Apr 1, 1991

On War & Peace: Sent Israel 550-plane airlift during 1973 war

On Oct. 12, 1973, Egyptian and Syrian troops attacked Israel. After some initial Arab successes, the Israelis turned the tide. The Soviets countered by airlifting arms to their Egyptian and Syrian allies. The Arabs had already imposed an oil embargo against us, and many felt that sending additional arms to Israel would do irreparable damage to our relations. The Defense Department finally agreed on a proposal for sending three C-5A planeloads of arms to Israel.

I asked, "Why send only 3?" The reply was that 3 was the maximum the Pentagon felt the political situation could bear.

I said I would take responsibility for the politics. I knew we would take no more heat for sending 30 than sending 3. "Use every one we have," I said. "Tell them to send everything that can fly." Our 550-mission airlift, which was far bigger than the Berlin airlift of 1948-49, helped the Israelis prevail and set the stage for successful shuttle diplomacy, which produced mutual withdrawal agreements on both fronts.

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.394 Apr 1, 1991

On War & Peace: 1975 loss in Vietnam led to Communism in Laos & Cambodia

In Vietnam, we sought to defend our critical interests in Southeast Asia. First of all, we wanted to prevent Moscow from gaining a foothold along the vital sealanes connecting the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean to the Pacific, through which Japan ships almost all of its oil imports. When Hanoi prevailed in 1975, Moscow did not wait long before setting up major naval bases in Cam Ranh Bay and Danang. We also wanted to stop North Vietnam's expansionism.

After its victory, our fears were confirmed when the Vietnamese Communists quickly took over Cambodia and Laos and overtly threatened Thailand.

Even so, we attained part of our goal. We preserved the freedom of our friends and allies for more than a decade. More important, by holding off the North Vietnamese until the mid 1970's, the regions developing countries won valuable time. Singapore's Lee Kwan Yew said, "American involvement in Vietnam had given Southeast Asia 10 years of breathing space."

Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.399 Apr 1, 1991

On Government Reform: Great statesmen should retire when just past their prime

A person who is getting older in the public eye must think not only about what old age means for him but also how it makes him appear to everyone else. They should follow the example of Ted Williams, who retired when he was still good but past his prime and who hit a home run his last time at bat. Great statesmen who stay on the stage longer than they should can perhaps be forgiven for it, since they are the kind who must keep power to stay alive. Source: In The Arena, by Richard Nixon, p.426 Apr 1, 1991

The above quotations are from In The Arena A Memoir of Victory, Defeat, and Renewal, by Richard Nixon. Click here for other excerpts from In The Arena A Memoir of Victory, Defeat, and Renewal, by Richard Nixon. Click here for other excerpts by Richard Nixon. Click here for a profile of Richard Nixon.
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