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January 8, 2002

Pashtunistan Primer


Only rarely do two major world events coincide in one location. That’s happening now in Kashmir, in northern Pakistan, which is the scene of both the United States’ struggle against al-Qaeda, as well as the latest flare-up between India and Pakistan.

Because the first event partially caused the second, and because both India and Pakistan are U.S. allies against al-Qaeda, it’s likely Americans will be involved in negotiating a settlement in Kashmir. But most Americans know little about the issues involved — hence I’ll provide a primer. I traveled to the region doing research in 1993 and 1994.

Pashtunistan means the land of the Pashtuns. Pashtuns are the dominant ethnic group in northern Pakistan and in large parts of Afghanistan. Geographically, Pashtunistan spans both countries, with some Pashtuns living in India and some in western China.

Afghanistan would mean the land of the Afghans, but it’s really just a name that the British made up when they divided up the region as they abandoned their colonies. One of the British colonial provinces was called Afghania, so they used that name, even though that province is now part of Pakistan. Afghan is not an ethnicity — which Tajik, Pashtun, Uzbek, and Hazzara are — it’s just a nationality. Residents of Afghanistan describe themselves by their ethnicity, and Pashtun is the closest they’ve got to a national ethnicity — for example, one national language is Pashto. By quirks of history, the Tajiks and Uzbeks ended up with their own countries (Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the former Soviet republics which border Afghanistan on the north), while the Pashtuns and Hazarras did not.

The ethnicity news from Afghanistan focused on the Taliban (dominated by Pashtuns) versus the Northern Alliance (dominated by Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazzaras). The primary task of the new Afghanistan is to maintain a stable multi-ethnic government that addresses the concerns of all four major ethnic groups. This task is made somewhat easier because they all share the same religion, Islam, although there is a religious split amongst the Sunni majority and the Shi’ite minority. Pakistan assisted the Taliban in large part because they were ethnic brethren; their rationale for assisting the new government is that they are at least all religious brethren.

On the other side of Pashtunistan, the border between India and Pakistan marks both an ethnic and religious divide, between Pashtun Muslims in Pakistan and Hindus in India (the ethnicity of Indians varies by region, but a popular newspaper there is The Hindustan Times). The ethnic and religious differences make resolving this dispute more difficult — and indeed, it has been an ongoing battle for 52 years, including several major wars. The wars are over where the border lay — when Britain decolonialized in 1947, they let each province decide whether to join either Pakistan or India — and the primarily Muslim Kashmir joined India based on the choice of its Hindu leader, instead of based on a Muslim plebiscite vote. The world pays more attention today because both India and Pakistan exploded nuclear weapons in 1998, hence making a possibility of nuclear war in Kashmir.

Then there’s China, yet another nuclear power, which borders India and Pakistan as well as Afghanistan. China too has a border dispute with India — both claim that their part of Kashmir extends well into the other country’s territory. China previously had the same dispute with Pakistan, making a mess for mapmakers, but they resolved their differences so that both could focus their military attention on India.

The result of the China-Pakistan settlement was a peaceful undisputed border and a road across it known as The Karakoram Highway. The KKH is perhaps the world’s most political road — a symbol of unity against India. The KKH traverses the Karakoram Mountains, part of the Himalayas, and in my five days on it, I experienced three earthquakes. Only by daily boulder-moving efforts does the KKH remain open — the entire region is as seismologically unstable as it is politically unstable.

The region of China on the KKH is called Xinjiang Province by the Chinese, but is called Uighurstan by the Muslim separatists who live there. Chinese efforts at suppressing the ongoing Uighur rebellion have been bloodier than in neighboring Tibet. The Chinese have been more successful in keeping the Uighurs out of the news, which is why most Americans have only heard of Tibet (thanks to the Dalai Lama’s publicity). The price that America paid for China’s acquiescence to our war in Afghanistan has been that the U.S. has stopped all criticism of China’s suppression activities in both Tibet and Uighurstan.

So what’s next? For better or worse, the U.S. is involved in a volatile region. President Bush has accepted U.S. responsibility for nation-building in Afghanistan, which commits us to a long-term presence. Until October, Pakistan was on the U.S.’s watch-list of terrorist sponsors, and only by working with the U.S. war effort has Pakistan moved off that list. The people of Pakistan have little unanimity behind their government’s actions, however, and the country will require a lot of attention (plus a lot of American money) to stay on our side instead of becoming a new base for escaping al-Qaeda and Taliban members. Our attention in Pakistan must focus on negotiating the Kashmir issue — part of the reason the issue has flared up recently is because Pakistan and India know that world attention is on them, and perhaps hope the attention will help resolve an otherwise irresolvable dispute. And China must be involved in the resolution as well — besides their dispute with India over Kashmir, the two countries regularly shoot at each other in Assam and other border areas.

The risks are high: three nuclear powers with actively disputed borders. But the potential benefits are high too: American diplomacy and foreign aid have a unique opportunity to calm a region that has been embroiled in conflict for over half a century. Let's roll.

— Jesse Gordon is a regular lecturer at the Cambridge Center for Adult Education. His slide show and lecture on Kashmir and Pashtunistan will be presented at the CCAE at 56 Brattle Street, at 8 p.m. Jan. 14. Call CCAE at 617-547-6789. View a preview at http://www.webmerchants.com/pashtunistan/.

 

Watch MetroWest Daily News managing editor Joe Dwinell's live report on WB-56 every Thursday and Friday at 7:45 a.m.

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