Dwight Eisenhower on War & Peace
By saying that, Eisenhower did something that he did rarely--he alarmed the nation. Whatever was meant by "tactical" nuclear weapons, the public was not likely to discern much difference between the bomb dropped on Hiroshima and a thermonuclear device capable of obliterating entire cities.
We must expect British and French intervention. In fact, they appear to be ready for it and may even have concerted their action with the Israelis.
Under the 1950 agreement the US was pledged to support the victim of an aggression in the Middle East. The only honorable course was to carry out that pledge.
"The prestige of the US and the British is involved in the developments in the Middle East," I said. "I feel it is incumbent upon both of us to redeem our world about supporting any victim of aggression. Last spring, when we declined to give arms to Israel and to Egypt, we said that our word was enough."
The whole design of the defense against Communism could not be completed with guns alone. For freedom was menaced by the poverty that Communism exploits. We could not fight poverty with guns.
During the next few days I had ample occasion to reflect at length on Berlin. I had lived with this problem intermittently for the past 13 years. Inevitably, despite intimate acquaintance with it, the question kept coming back to me: "How, or rather why did the Free World get into this mess? How did we every accept a situation in which our only feasible response to an attack on a 13,000-man garrison surrounded by numerous Communist divisions would likely mean the initiation of WWIII?
With the desire for peace to universally and deeply felt, the obvious question is "Why do wars occur?" The answer is not to be found in peoples themselves (save where they have been deliberately misled), but in the blind arrogance and conflicting ambitions of governments, especially those whose philosophy is essentially hostile to others and whose objective is nakedly imperialistic.
But in the meantime, there were moves we could make. It was silly, for example, to continue to give Cuba favored treatment regarding its sugar exports. A proclamation was issued cutting the 1960 quota by 700,000 short tons. (Later I set the quota for the first three months of 1961 at zero). "This action," I remarked on the day I signed, "amounts to economic sanctions against Cuba. Now we must look ahead to other moves--economic, diplomatic, strategic."
The only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total peace. This means bringing to bear every asset of our personal and national lives upon the task of building the conditions in which security and peace can grow.
Only a brief time back, we were spending at the rate of only about $1 million dollars a year on long range ballistic missiles. In 1957 we spent more than $1 billion on the Arias, Titan, Thor, Jupiter, and Polaris programs alone. But gratifying though this rate of progress is, we must still do more! Our real problem, then, is not our strength today; it is rather the vital necessity of action today to ensure our strength tomorrow.
The administration is giving immediate increased attention to the development of additional Republic of Korea forces. The citizens of that country have proved their capacity as fighting men and their eagerness to take a greater share in the defense of their homeland. Organization, equipment, and training will allow them to do so. Increased assistance to Korea for this purpose conforms fully to our global policies.
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George W. Bush(R,2001-2009)
George Bush Sr.(R,1989-1993)
John F. Kennedy(D,1961-1963)
Harry S Truman(D,1945-1953)
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